From the late 1970s onward, an older literature from anthropology and ecology on the self-regulating capacities of contemporary fishing communities (Acheson 1975, Berkes 1981) has been integrated into a newer literature on the benefits of power sharing between self-regulating communities and government agencies (Pinkerton 1989, Wilson et al. Any institutional capacity lacking in one of these power-sharing entities has to be supplied by another. The exercise of these rights is restrained by the limited financial, administrative, and technical resources in most aboriginal coastal communities in northern BC and in the Broughton Archipelago off northern Vancouver Island. Discussion paper: towards share based management of the British Columbia commercial salmon fishery. Cohen Commission, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada.
Salmon, halibut, and herring were the preeminent cash and food sources; other groundfish species, eulachon, shellfish, and seaweeds filled in the seasonal round (Muckle 2007, Angel 2011). The logic of government negotiators was that aboriginal people would support themselves by fishing (Pinkerton 1987, Ommer 2007). After World War I, returning Canadian soldiers were encouraged to settle on the north coast of BC in return for fishing licenses (Marchak et al. Both of these contracts have now been abandoned by government, starting with the Davis Plan’s elimination of all boats delivering less than $2500 worth of fish per year. The future of Canada’s commercial fisheries: a discussion document. Before we contemplate rebuilding local and regional fisheries management institutions, we must first consider the full nature and extent of these losses. Maritime resources, fishing and salmon in particular, were the backbone of the economy, society, and culture of Pacific Northwest peoples for upwards of 10,000 years (Inglis and Mac Donald 1979, Muckle 2007). In return, they trained several generations of community leaders: mayors, chiefs, councilors, businessmen, and educators.
The large membership of the two organizations made for considerable influence in the fishing industry (Lyons 1969, North 1974, Meggs 1991).
The research in case study 1 was funded by a Natural Science and Engineering Research Council industry-driven grant undertaken with the Canadian Council of Professional Fish Harvesters (the Canadian Fisheries Research Network, case study 1 included an agreement between the United Fishermen and Allied Workers Union (UFAWU, now amalgamated with UNIFOR: UFAWU-UNIFOR) and university researchers.
The north coast regional focus of this study took in a diverse range of aboriginal and nonaboriginal communities, governments, and fishing organizations. Ecotrust Canada, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada.
We analyze what the two regions have in common, as well as their differences, to generate general predictions and recommendations about what preconditions appear to be necessary for success in rebuilding institutions in communities and regions at these scales and what actions are likely to be most effective, according to a body of literature on self-management and comanagement.
In both cases, we found favorable conditions in the communities, the external political arena, and in government to support the rebuilding goals of the organizations working in the two regions.
In both cases the nonuniversity partners played a major role in defining the research goals and are working with the university partners to achieve those goals. Extend the time-series of catch and escapement estimates for Skeena sockeye, pink, chum and coho salmon stocks.